Grassroots Approach To Tribal Development : Experience Of A Tribal Settlement In Tripura, India
Rakesh Sarwal
April 1, 2025
1 Grassroots Approach To Tribal Development : Experience Of A Tribal Settlement In Tripura, India
Abstract: The author chose to work with the primitive tribal group of Halam, who practice shifting cultivation, during his district training as a development administrator in the Tripura state of India. As an alien to their land and culture, he attempted to gain an understanding of their way of life and establish his credibility amongst them. He then got the community to set up the institution of a Balwari, a primary school with a nutrition component, using local resources. The balwadi served to impart primary education and medical care and generate environmental awareness. For improving their incomes, subsidized assets were provided through the medium of the owners cooperative. An effort was also made to get them a remunerative price for their produce. The experiments had good results. Populations at low levels of development need both social and economic inputs concurrently.
While the former enhances their abilities, the latter increases the options available for their choices in life. The strategy adopted in this case can have wider implications in bringing about the socio-economic development of tribal communities at the bottom of the pyramid.
1.1 Introduction
Tripura state in India is partially hilly, with the tribals constituting 28% of the total population. Most of them
live in settlements (called paras) on hilltops (known as tillas) in clusters of families, ranging from 10 to around 100. Each of these paras is headed by a traditional chief whose authority varies from tribe to tribe. The majority of these tribals subsist on shifting cultivation [1] [2] and continue to live with archaic technology in conditions of extreme socio-economic backwardness. The Halam tribe, constituting 5% of the tribal population, is acknowledged to be one of the more primitive tribes. Often, the community is blamed for not coming forward to access or accept the development support being extended by the government.
The following account relates to the author’s eight-month-long association with them in "Lokhicharra village"
of the North Tripura district during his attachment in the district as a trainee development professional. A tribal settlement was adopted to get acquainted with their ways of life and also to formulate and implement schemes for their all-round development. The funds for such activities were to be drawn from the nucleus budget of the Tribal Welfare Department. Being an alien to their language and culture, his efforts were directed towards understanding their culture and social and economic ethos, identifying their strengths and weaknesses, and directing their efforts at overcoming their limitations; and also making them capable of exploiting the resources in their environment to their benefit in a more efficient manner.
The following account describes the efforts in the above direction and the results achieved.
1.2 Selection of A Tribal Settlement In the selection of a tribal settlement, the following criteria were adopted:
i) The tribe should be in a primitive state of development.
ii) The settlement should be away from the main road. It was expected that a populace in the interior, having received less attention from the politico-administrative setup, would be more receptive to an atypical approach to welfare.
Based on such criteria, the Halams of Lolo Halam para and Pradhan Para of Lokhicharra Gram Panchayat in
Kumarghat block were selected. Halam are one of the triabl groups in Tripura. [3] These paras housed 90 persons in twenty households settled on hilltops. In the process of selection, it was observed that these paras were starved of governmental schemes for the last two years.
1.3 Description of Households And Their Living Initial visits in the months of July-August 1989 were aimed at building acquaintance with the villagers and observing those aspects of their socio-cultural activity that required intervention.
Among the households, four belonged to aged couples whose children had separated from them. Two of the
households were couples married within the past year. There were around 30 children below fifteen years of age, most being under the age group of five years. Only two of them were enrolled in the primary school situated four kilometers south of the para. Most others could be seen loitering around the para in semi-naked conditions. The adolescents indulged in their favorite pastime of drinking and gambling. Amongst the adults, only two men and a woman were literate. One could not escape observing their poor standards of personal hygiene. Communicable diseases such as malaria, dysentery, intestinal worms, skin and eye infections, and even tuberculosis were widely prevalent. Contrary to expectations, the spirit of comradeship, the authority of the traditional chief, and respect for elders were minimal.
The tribals had settled on these tillas about ten years ago in search of good forest land for practicing slash
and burn, shifting cultivation, called "jhum" (1). Three years back, all the households in the Lolo Halam para and two in the Pradhan Para had been allotted homestead and cultivable lands. All the families practiced jhum on lands that extend into the protected forest area. Sorghum and cotton were the principal cash crops of jhum. Other productive assets included a few poultry, pigs, goats, and bullocksall of the nondescript indigenous variety. The other sources of income included manual labor, collection and sale of minor forest produce such as bamboo, thatch grass, broom grass, teak seeds, raw papaya, and raw banana. Most of these products were sold to intermediaries at their doorsteps on adverse terms. Weaving was the only craft practiced, and it was solely for their personal use.
Their day-to-day requirements were met from the fair price shop and the weekly market at Jolai, four kilometers north of the para.
Houses were made of bamboo and thatched grass with the floors raised from the ground by means of wooden logs.
Such houses are generally referred to as "tong" types of houses. Such structures obviate the need for any furniture and keep the floor clean. The house had a single long room with one corner of it serving as the kitchen. Smoke produced from the stove filled the entire room and was responsible for much of their respiratory and ophthalmic diseases. Water was to be fetched all the way up from a stream at the foothill. This was primarily responsible for the low levels of hygiene. Grain (paddy) was stored in the backyard, fully exposed to damage by rats.
The jhum crop was harvested in the months of September-October. Thereafter, for nearly four months, they
indulged in honoring their commitments to the Almighty and also in conspicuous consumption, such as the purchase of gaudy clothes and glittering ornaments. Such expenditure gradually exposed them to scarcity conditions by the month of March. Religious and social practice became a financial drain.
Lack of a sense of hygiene caused many diseases amongst them, while an unfamiliarity with the state medical set-up made them seek private medical advice which was generally expensive.
Amongst their strengths, their food habits and methods of child-rearing were impressive. They consumed boiled food with minimal spices, oil, or sugar. Their diet was made up of vegetables, cereals, dried fish, and meat. Despite their knowledge of a balanced diet, conditions of scarcity for a major part of the year made them malnourished and anemic. However, their children usually kept good health on account of the practice of prolonged breastfeeding.
Women enjoy a status almost at par with menfolk. On one occasion, the people of the para were called for a
discussion without a specific invitation to the women. Most women came along with their men and participated in the discussion as much as the men.
The most popular perception of the government was that of a dole-distributing agency. Many beneficiaries had been selected by politically nominated bodies at the village and block levels in return for their allegiance to the party in power. Such dispensation also implied that the selected beneficiaries need not be the most deserving.
Neither are they then under any obligation to utilize the assistance for the stated purpose or to repay the loans received.
However, they were not quite aware of the facilities available with the government. It was found out that their ration cards had not been updated for quite some time, with names of many household members not being included.
This involved an additional expenditure on the purchase of rice and kerosene oil from the open market. The author wrote applications on their behalf to the official concerned, requesting card updation, and asked them to submit the same to the concerned office. The tribals took almost two months to submit the ready-made applications. Their involvement in earning their daily livelihood and their lack of perception of the gains from the upgradation of ration cards made them sit over these applications for quite some time. The above case illustrates how ignorance can perpetuate economic backwardness.
1.4 Alternative Approaches To Grassroots Development
1.4.1 Building Acceptance and Trust
One of the reasons for the lack of effort and zeal amongst the tribals towards bettering their economic status could be found in the fact that they had a simple way of life and their long-term needs were minimal. Education and health services could expose them to newer environments and thus generate a new awareness in them, which could spur a desire among them to improve their quality of life.
The task of instilling an awareness amongst them of the causes of their social and economic condition, leading to self-effort, turned out to be not quite easy. For it was essential to develop friendly relations with the tribals in an environment of trust and goodwill so that they accepted certain changes in their ways of thinking and living that would improve their living conditions.
Regular visits did help in increasing ones acceptability to them. The author started carrying medicines regularly on his visits, given his background as a medical doctor. He also tried to help them in their dealings at the official level for matters like the sanction of a Parcha (land ownership document), processing of applications for calamity relief, and others. Another contributory factor was his night halts in the para. It made his task easier since it made way for greater interactions. Such overnight halts were significant for another reason also. It was only in the night that one could meet all the resident men and women of the para, many of whom were away on jobs or other errands during the daytime.
The Halams are a sub-tribe of the Kuki and have a distinct dialect of their own. Spoken Bengali had been
learned by them through experience and was used to communicate with the outside world. Initially the author was not very familiar with this form of colloquial Bengali. A little effort and learning combined with actions and signs enabled him to overcome this handicap.
For the first few visits, an extension worker of the Tribal Welfare Department did accompany him to the para.
But by and large he was left alone to do his job.
1.4.2 Efforts at Social Awareness
The best way one could constructively engage children under the age of five and provide an institution that would help in their all-round growth was a play schoola "balwadi" center. This idea was discussed with inhabitants of the two paras, and the residents of the Lolo Halam para consented to provide accommodation for it. A deserted house in the settlement was repaired by the community for the purpose. One literate lady in the para gladly consented to teach in the balwadi on a voluntary basis. To train her in her new role, she was also made a participant in a seminar on Urban Basic Services that was being held elsewhere around that time. During the three days of the seminar, she was taught the basics of personal and environmental hygiene, immunization, nutrition, and child-rearing practices.
She also learned the manufacture and use of some of the science and technology gadgets, such as smokeless chullahs, water filters, and sanitary latrines. A tiffin allowance was given to her for the period of her training.
The balwadi at the Lolo Halam para started functioning with an inventory of slates, Bengali primers, chalk,
plastic alphabet cubes, and molded plastic numerals. A total of 28 children from the local and adjoining paras got enrolled, of which 15 children did attend the balwadi regularly. For providing supplementary nutrition to the children, black gram was provided. Gram pulse was sprouted by soaking it overnight; this offered good quality protein, vitamins, and iron to the children at low cost. This also relieved the teacher from the burden and cost of providing cooked meals. The children did not relish it at the beginning but gradually became accustomed to it. The teacher was given a monthly honorarium of Rs. 50/- with an offer of an increment depending on the performance of the children in the periodic examinations.
Then came the question of running the balwadi on a lasting basis. The teacher expected a permanent job, which was a difficult proposition. It was suggested to the locals to finance the honorarium and the working expenses from earnings generated through some productive assets provided by the government and maintained by the locals. This idea did not find much favor with them. Hence, an alternative arrangement was made. A savings bank account was opened jointly in the name of the teacher and the author with instructions to release Rs. 50 per month to the teacher. The locals were informed of this arrangement. All the repayments of the loans given to the locals of the para were to be deposited in this account.
At the end of eight months, most of the children had learned to read and write Bengali alphabets. However,
not much success could be achieved in improving their standards of hygiene.
1.4.3 Medical Care
Three health camps were organized in the para at one months interval where the children were immunized against major diseases. However, diseases like malaria, anemia, respiratory infections, and dysentery were widely prevalent, and it became difficult to arrange for frequent health camps for just 20 families. Under such circumstances, the author, being a medical graduate, also started carrying medicines on his visits and treated the sick. He also trained the Balwadi teacher in the diagnosis and treatment of common ailments and left some medicines with her for future use. The children were given Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS) for dysentery, and the incidence of malaria was reduced by weekly intake of two chloroquine tablets. A nail cutter was given to the balwadi teacher with an instruction to cut the nails of children once a week. The prevalence of common infectious diseases came down, and the teacher earned a position of respect in the community.
The need for maintaining personal hygiene and environmental cleanliness was impressed upon them by a simple demonstration during one of the regular community meetings. A few pieces of chalk dipped in black ink were taken.
It was told that black color was the culprit for most of their diseases. Then, plain water was taken in a vessel, and a pinch of bleaching powder was added to it. Into this chlorinated water, the black chalk pieces were dropped, which soon turned white. It was then explained to the tribals with the help of this experiment that they could avoid waterborne disease by adding a pinch of bleaching powder to their potable water source. They were told that the Black agent that caused the diseases resided in dirty skin, unwashed clothes, and underneath their nails. Keeping them clean was essential for maintaining good health.
1.4.4 Environmental Education
Jhumming continued to be their principal means of subsistence. The pressure of population on land and large-scale illicit felling of trees by forest contractors had reduced the area available for jhumming. The jhum cycles became shorter. The yield from the jhum crop had been declining, fodder had become a scarce commodity, and the streams dried soon after the rains. The author considered it important to educate them about the protective influence of trees on the environment. This was demonstrated to them by a simple experiment. One of their vessels was inverted, and a layer of sand was coated on the convex under surface of the vessel. A piece of cloth was placed over the mud coating. Then, one of them was asked to sprinkle water over it. They were shown that with the cloth cover, only a small portion of the mud got swept away while the water kept trickling from the cloth for some time. In the second instance, sprinkling of water was repeated with the cloth removed from the experiment. They saw that a large quantity of mud was drained away, and no trickling of water occurred. Having shown this, it was suggested that the cloth was synonymous with the forest cover over the hills and the sprinkling of water with the rains. After some argument, the idea that the soil is gradually losing its fertility and the perennial streams are dwindling because of loss of protective forest cover did find a place in their thinking.
1.4.5 Access to Efficient Home Gadgets
Two girls of the para were trained in the construction of smokeless wood stoves ("smokeless chulah"). Exhaust pipes were supplied from the official sources, and such stoves were constructed in two of the houses. However, it was a difficult task convincing them to switch over to this stove for cooking.
One of the community members was trained in the construction of a rat-proof and pest-resistant grain storage structure using bamboo and bitumen. He participated in a fair held at the district headquarters with his model and earned a prize with a remuneration for it. Paddy storage losses could be considerably reduced by the use of this local storage structure.
1.4.6 Access to Fairer Markets
They received very low prices for their produce. Moreover, the prices received remained almost stagnant over time. In the months of October and November, they sold sorghum and cotton harvested from jhum cultivation. The author requested the nearby LAMPS (Large Scale Multipurpose Cooperative Society), which are known to makie positive open market interventions [4], to undertake the purchase of these items. Quite interestingly, the day the LAMPS entered the market, the local trader hiked the purchase price beyond that offered by LAMPS. Thereafter, the prices stabilized at that level, and the locals started getting a fair deal.
Raw papaya and banana were the other two items that were being purchased from them at low prices. In
order that they receive fair prices, the author linked them up with the employees cooperative society of the district administration office. This linkage almost doubled their income from these items.
Most of the households earned their livelihood during the lean months of June to September by the sale of thatch grass. It was tied in stacks of three-inch-thick bundles, carried on their backs for up to four kilometers to the Jolai market, and sold at low rates. Some cheap mode of transport had to be provided to them to carry this thatch grass and to market it competitively. The tribals opted for a hand-driven cart. Credit of Rs. 900 was advanced to one of them for the purpose. The cart was rented out by him to other tribals in the neighborhood. This simple device considerably reduced their drudgery and enabled them to compete in nearby markets also. The repayments of the loan were deposited in the account of the balwari.
1.4.7 Economically Productive Assets Diversification from jhum to cash crop is know to benefically impact tribal communities in the North East of India. [5] Since each family possessed a considerable amount of tilla land, which was considered suitable for pineapple cultivation, I offered them pineapple suckers on behalf of the government, with the department contributing half the cost. The returns from pineapple are available in two years time, one of the earliest amongst fruit crops. [2] Each family was provided an initial lot of 50 suckers by the Tribal Welfare Department in September 1989, with the rider that more suckers would be supplied based on the survival of the earlier ones. Two months later it was found that three of the households had 90% of the suckers surviving while others had only 20% surviving. The reasons for the failure were found to be a uniform selection of the beneficiaries, in disregard of their inclination for the activity, lack of close supervision, and supply of the asset at a time when the community could contribute very little towards its care.
By November, the returns from jhum crops started flowing. They could be engaged in an economic activity
that would be rewarding in a period of a few months and also be related to their traditional activities. Rearing of ducklings promised handsome returns from three months onwards and was reported to be not a difficult activity on hilltops. There was a great deal of apprehension amongst them towards this idea. It took around a month to convince them that, unlike the indigenous variety, the exotic Khakhi-Cambell variety did lay around 250 eggs annually. They were not used to selling eggs, as the indigenous breed of hens lay few eggs. To drive home the point that eggs could be commercially produced and sold, the author demonstrated a small trick to them. An egg was broken in a pot in front of them with the simultaneous dropping of a rupee coin from his fingers. The idea that eggs can bring money appealed to them.
Having consented to the choice of the asset, the next task was to make them agree to form a cooperative. The author was of the opinion that this was the only way that ducks could be reared on a hilltop. For it required a pond to be dug, a duck house to be constructed, and a caretaker to be appointed. In order to work this out, a sum of Rs. 525 was collected from 9 households in the settlements as members contributions. Five families on the adjoining lowland, owning a common pond, also consented and contributed Rs. 250. Two ponds were dug up and three bamboo huts were constructed by the members of the newly formed cooperative. Two young members from the paras were selected and were imparted a week-long training at the Veterinary Farm at the state capital to take care of the ducks. A nominal stipend was given for their participation. Around 150 ducklings, 40 days old, and three months’ ration were supplied to the cooperative society in the habitation in the month of January and distributed among the households according to individual contribution. Yet, they were expected to nurse the ducks collectively.
Despite close monitoring, the survival of the ducks on the tilas was very poor. Ten of them died in transit. The youth trained in duck-rearing backed out, and a rift appeared amongst the members of the cooperative over the task of fetching water for the ducks. Individualistic sentiments grew so strong that the ducks had to be distributed amongst the households for caring for them separately. The mortality of the ducks on account of dehydration and infection continued until 15 out of 115 ducks survived on the tilla and 25 out of 35 survived on the lowland.
The experiment failed. Ideally, and as an afterthought, the experiment could have been successful if they had ducks of the local variety to start with and reared them on an individual basis. Once they had built up a capital base through assured returns from this asset, they could have been made to undertake the risk of rearing ducks of exotic varieties. Besides, the success rate of duckery on hilltops is low on account of the scarcity of water.
1.4.8 Consumption Credit
The month of May is one of scarcity as reserves deplete. Tribals normally took loans from the local trader around this time and repaid one and a half times the principal amount towards the end of the year in the months of November and December. The author made an arrangement to extend credit of Rs. 1000/- to each family from the nucleus budget of the government. This amount was, however, extended as credit to them to be repaid after the jhum harvest in the bank account of the balwadi school. Access to cash in lean months enabled them to purchase rice in bulk from the wholesale market and save on the weekly purchase of rice from the Jolai bazaar.
1.5 Concluding Observations
The eight-month-long association with one of the most underdeveloped groups of tribals in Tripura was a unique experience. Through an involved and sustained personalized interaction, the author gained the confidence of the community, worked with them to raise their level of awareness on constraints and opportunities, and nudged them towards a path of socio-economic development, covering domains as diverse as hygiene, nutrition, health, environment, efficient sources of energy, access to markets, and productive assets. The approach was participative, institution-building, and sustainable by utilizing government grants as a corpus for extending credit, including for consumptive use, repayment of which sustained the institution of play school. It is recognized that the methods and frame of reference employed by a resercher must be congruent with indigenous ways of being, knowing, and doing. [6], which this work reiterates. The author achieved considerable success in each of the eight strategies adopted, four being social assets (building trust, medical care, environmental awareness, primary education and nutrition) while the remaining four were economic assets (efficient home gadgets, better terms of trace, better inciomes from cash crop and access to consumption credit). The learning from this experiment can help evolve a
strategy for socio-economic betterment of jhumming tribals.
1. Populations at low levels of development need both social and economic inputs concurrently. While the former enhance their abilities, the latter increase the options available for their choices in life.
2. Elementary education and primary health care need to be extended to the doorsteps of the families. They need to be educated about the significance of personal and community hygiene in preventing diseases. The segment of the community with a higher awareness of hygiene could serve as the extension agent. An awareness of the role of forests in the protection of the environment is required to make them sustainably use their resources.
These ideas can be conveyed through simple demonstrations. Their economy can be integrated with the
mainstream market by providing market intelligence so that they get remunerative prices for their produce.
For this, the LAMPS ought to play a more constructive role by extending consumption credit in return for
the procurement of their produce at a later date.
3. Some science and technology interventions of a simple nature can also be introduced. Devices such as water filters, smokeless chullahs, and rat-proof grain storage structures can make a qualitative difference in their standard of living.
4. In order to help them get out of the jhumming cycle, an economically viable economic activity based on
agriculture, animal husbandry, or household industry needs to be introduced. The selected activity should
blend with their traditional skills, which would have to be upgraded. The assets given to such communities
should not be those with a high risk. Land-based assets, indigenous varieties of animals with relatively low
risk but assured returns, are likely to provide a regular income. In addition, linkages need to be provided,
and constant motivation and supervision offered until the benefits start flowing, and they are able to handle
such activity on their own.
5. Field functionaries of the government implementing such schemes should spend sufficient time with the beneficiaries, preferably through overnight halts. It is suggested that a two-week stay in the settlement should alternate with holidays of equal duration in one working month of the functionary.
6. All notions of the tribals being lazy, not interested in their own welfare, emotionally and religiously attached to jhumming, and being compulsive drinkers should be abandoned, more so by the extension staff. The approach towards tribals has to be positive, based on trust and hope.
NOTE: 1. Jhum - The practice of shifting cultivation on hill-tops, usually resorted to by tribal communities.
Though inefficient, highly labor-intensive, and destructive to the environment, the tribals practice it as a traditional occupation for want of better avenues or technology.
1.6 Conflict of Interest
None1.7 Disclaimer
None
References
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