Tripura: The Conflict Zone
(A comprehensive fact-sheet on the state's blood-spilling insurgency)


THE CRISISINFLUX AND CONSEQUENCES

The influx of refugees belonging to a highly advanced nationality group spelt disaster for the indigenous tribals, till then an extremely backward community dependent on 'jhum' (shifting cultivation) of primitive mode for survival. They were marginalised in almost every walk of life, losing the uneven economic competition with the settlers who gained sympathy from the ruling Congress governments dependent on them for electoral support. The CPI and its later edition CPI (M) did launch agitations for tribal rights but the logic of number and electoral arithmetic dictated the course of politics as without support from the non-tribal community no party could survive in state politics. In fact the CPI (M) and CPI lost the assembly elections in 1967 because of their demand for Autonomous District Council (ADC) based on 5th schedule of the Constitution of India for the tribals.

EMERGING FORCES

Such a dismal scenario marked by an unsympathetic state government and decimation of the only political force that cared for tribal interests led to the emergence of Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS) in June 1967. Keeping party membership exclusively confined to tribals, the TUJS raised four specific demands: Autonomous District Council (ADC) for tribals, extension of innerline regulations in Tripura, introduction of 'Kokborok' (tribal language) as medium of instruction for tribal students in Roman script and restoration of alienated tribal land. In their party conference held at Durgachowdhury para village in Sadar subdivision in 1969 the TUJS raised the demand for setting up district council for tribals on the basis of 6th schedule of the Constitution. Within two years the TUJS also floated a force of armed volunteers under the leadership of the then assistant general secretary Mr. Bijay Kumar Hrangkhawal and under the banner of 'Tripur Sena'. Forced on the defensive by the emergence and rapid growth of TUJS and its brand of virulent ethnic politics the CPI (M) also lent support to the demand for 6th schedule in order to retain its tribal vote bank. The party had initial reservations over the issue because it’s leaders never believed that the Congress-ruled Central government would ever agree to amend the Constitution to extend provisions of 6th schedule in Tripura. However, the TUJS' militant agitations for district council evoked adverse reaction from the non-tribal Bengalis who perceived a threat to their land holdings and other rights. The 'Aamra Bangali', a communal outfit and political arm of the 'Ananda Marg', took advantage of the situation and launched a counter campaign to stall the formation of ADC. The Left Front came to power for the first time in Tripura in January 1978 but the sigificant development was the victory of TUJS candidates in four of the state's sixty assembly constituencies. The movement for and against district council reached a fever pitch as the TUJS leadership declared they would form an ADC of their own unless the state government took step to constitute a district council on the basis of 7th schedule of the Constitution which did not require Constitutional amendment. The cumulative effect of all this, exacerbated by the inexperience of the new government, led to the two successive ethnic riots in Tripura in May 1979 and June 1980. The role of the administration dominated by the non-tribals also evoked criticism. Even though non-tribals suffered much heavier casualties in terms of deaths the role of the administration left a deep a scar on the tribal psyche despite the best possible rehabilitation work implemented by the ruling Left Front government under the leadership of the then Chief Minister Mr. Nripen Chakraborty.

ENTER TNV

Mr. Bijay Kumar Hrangkhawal, the assistant general secretary and then organising secretary of TUJS who was the head of 'Tripura Sena' had always been an ambitious man. He established secret contact with erstwhile Mizo National Front (MNF) insurgent outfit and its leader Mr. Lal Denga who later became Chief Minister of Mizoram (1987-88 July). Mr. Hrangkhawal had secretly formed Tripura National Volunteers (TNV) within 'Tripur Sena' after a clandestine meeting with his die-hard followers on December 21, 1978 at remote Kachhima area under Amarpur subdivision and sent activists across the border to MNF hide-out in the Chittagong Hill-Tracts of Bangladesh. However, things came to light after a group of TNV activists had been arrested by BSF jawans in North Tripura in 1979. bold">The TUJS leadership reacted by removing Hrangkhawl from 'Tripur Sena' and after the June 1980 riots in which volunteers of TNV took an active part and also expelled him from the party. Mr. Hrangkhawal was arrested by police after the riots and gradually he developed relation with Chief Minister Nripen Chakaraborty who was trying to split TUJS. He secured economic benefits from the Left Front government and started leading apparently a peaceful life. However, his erstwhile followers like Chuni Koloi, Ananta Debbarma et al mounted pressure on him for launching full-fledged insurgency and finally 'kidnapped' him from his residence at Kamalacherra, now in Dhalai dis$trict, in August 1982.o:p>

After reaching Chittagong Hill-Tracts with family Hrangkhawal launched full-fledged insurgency for his 'free Tripura'. Thus began the state's first phase of organised insurgency which effectively came to an end on August 10, 1988 when the TNV supremo Mr  Bijay Kumar Hrangkhawal signed a tripartite peace accord with Union home ministry and Tripura government-exactly six months after the Congress-TUJS coalition government came to power in Tripura. The next phase of insurgency began since May 1990 when the All Tripura Tribal Force emerged in the scene.